Jyoti Basu: The Father of Waste Bengal

Destroyer of West Bengal

By Kanchan Gupta

Had it been Jyoti Banerjee lying unattended in a filthy general ward of SSKM Hospital in Kolkata and not Jyoti Basu in the state-of-the-art ICCU of AMRI Hospital, among the swankiest and most expensive super-speciality healthcare facilities in West Bengal, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would not have bothered to arrange for a video-conference for top doctors at AIIMS to compare notes with those attending on the former Chief Minister of West Bengal.

Jyoti Banerjee, like most of us, spent his working life paying taxes to the Government. Jyoti Basu spent the better part of his life living off tax-payers’ money — the conscience of the veteran Marxist was never pricked by the fact that he appropriated for himself a lifestyle shunned by his comrades and denied to the people of a State whose fate he presided over for a quarter century. Kalachand Roy laid what we know today as Odisha to waste in the 16th century; Jyoti Basu was the 20th century’s Kala Pahad who led West Bengal from despair to darkness, literally and metaphorically.

Uncharitable as it may sound, but there really is no reason to nurse fond memories of Jyoti Basu. In fact, there are no fond memories to recall of those days when hopelessness permeated the present and the future appeared bleak. Entire generations of educated middle-class Bengalis were forced to seek refuge in other States or migrate to America as Jyoti Basu worked overtime to first destroy West Bengal’s economy, chase out Bengali talent and then hand over a disinherited State to Burrabazar traders and wholesale merchants who overnight became ‘industrialists’ with a passion for asset-stripping and investing their ‘profits’ elsewhere. A State that was earlier referred to as ‘Sheffield of the East’ was rendered by Jyoti Basu into a vast stretch of wasteland; the Oxford English Dictionary would have been poorer by a word had he not made ‘gherao’ into an officially-sanctioned instrument of coercion; ‘load-shedding’ would have never entered into our popular lexicon had he not made it a part of daily life in West Bengal though he ensured Hindustan Park, where he stayed, was spared power cuts. It would have been churlish to grudge him the good life had he not exerted to deny it to others, except of course his son Chandan Basu who was last in the news for cheating on taxes that should have been paid on his imported fancy car.

Let it be said, and said bluntly, that Jyoti Basu’s record in office, first as Deputy Chief Minister in two successive United Front Governments beginning 1967 (for all practical purposes he was the de facto Chief Minister with a hapless Ajoy Mukherjee reduced to indulging in Gandhigiri to make his presence felt) and later as Chief Minister for nearly 25 years at the head of the Left Front Government which has been in power for 32 years now, the “longest elected Communist Government” as party commissars untiringly point out to the naïve and the novitiate, is a terrible tale of calculated destruction of West Bengal in the name of ideology. It’s easy to criticise the CPI(M) for politicising the police force and converting it into a goons brigade, but it was Jyoti Basu who initiated the process. It was he who instructed them, as Deputy Chief Minister during the disastrous UF regime, to play the role of foot soldiers of the CPI(M), first by not acting against party cadre on the rampage, and then by playing an unabashedly partisan role in industrial and agrarian disputes.

The fulsome praise that is heaped on Jyoti Basu today — he is variously described by party loyalists and those enamoured of bhadralok Marxists as a ‘humane administrator’ and ‘farsighted leader’ — is entirely misleading if not undeserving. Within the first seven months of the United Front coming to power, 43,947 workers were laid off and thousands more rendered jobless as factories were shut down following gheraos and strikes instigated and endorsed by him. The flight of capital in those initial days of emergent Marxist power amounted to Rs 2,500 million. In 1967, there were 438 ‘industrial disputes’ involving 165,000 workers and resulting in the loss of five million man hours. By 1969, there were 710 ‘industrial disputes’ involving 645,000 workers and a loss of 8.5 million man hours. That was a taste of things to come in the following decades. By the time Jyoti Basu demitted office, West Bengal had nothing to boast of except closed mills and shuttered factories; every institution and agency of the State had been subverted under his tutelage; and, the civil administration had been converted into an extension counter of the CPI(M) with babus happy to be used as doormats.

After every outrage, every criminal misdeed committed by Marxist goons or the police while he was Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu would crudely respond with a brusque “Emon to hoyei thaakey” (or, as Donald Rumsfeld would famously say, “Stuff happens!”). He did not brook any criticism of the Marich Jhapi massacre by his police in 1979 when refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan were shot dead in cold blood. Till date, nobody knows for sure how many died in that slaughter for Jyoti Basu never allowed an independent inquiry. Neither did the man whose heart bled so profusely for the lost souls of Nandigram hesitate to justify the butchery of April 30, 1982 when 16 monks and a nun of the Ananda Marg order were set ablaze in south Kolkata by a mob of Marxist thugs. The man who led that murderous lot was known for his proximity to Jyoti Basu, a fact that the CPI(M) would now hasten to deny. Nor did Jyoti Basu wince when the police shot dead 13 Congress activists a short distance from Writers’ Building on July 21, 1993; he later justified the police action, saying it was necessary to enforce the writ of the state. Yet, he wouldn’t allow the police to act every time Muslims ran riot, most infamously after Mohammedan Sporting Club lost a football match.

Did Jyoti Basu, who never smiled in public lest he was accused of displaying human emotions, ever spare a thought for those who suffered terribly during his rule? Was he sensitive to the plight of those who were robbed of their lives, limbs and dignity by the lumpen proletariat which kept him in power? Did his heart cry out when women health workers were gang-raped and then two of them murdered by his party cadre on May 17, 1990 at Bantala on the eastern margins of Kolkata? Or when office-bearers of the Kolkata Police Association, set up under his patronage, raped Nehar Banu, a poor pavement dweller, at Phulbagan police station in 1992? “Emon to hoyei thaakey,” the revered Marxist would say, and then go on to slyly insinuate that the victims deserved what they got.

As a Bengali, I grieve for the wasted decades but for which West Bengal, with its huge pool of talent, could have led India from the front. I feel nothing for Jyoti Basu.

Follow the writer on: http://twitter.com/KanchanGupta. Blog on this and other issues at http://kanchangupta.blogspot.com. Write to him at kanchangupta@rocketmail.com

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25 responses to “Jyoti Basu: The Father of Waste Bengal

  1. S

    Traitor dead. 🙂

    • asit guin

      History of Bengal after independence is divided into two periods; period of famine (1947 – 1977) and the period of delayed success (1977 – till date). There was famine in 1959, 1966, and 1974. Famines were mainly due to non-cultivation of land under jotedar ownership. Agriculture is not much profitable for them. After 1977, due to land reform, food production is up and famine problem is solved. There was one potential famine in 1978 (due to big flood), but panchayat and co-ordination committee avoided a famine like situation. So the new period of delayed success started. Haldia is delayed by 12 yrs; Bakreswar by 8 yrs. Singur may come one day after some delay like Haldia. Delayed success is better than famine. However now, famine period may come back due to wrong choice of people in the last election. Irrationalism practiced by media and many people is to be paid by famine.

  2. Drupad Kanakia

    Bengalis are a stupid race of paper pushing clerks.
    basu or no basu, i do not see bengalis leading anything from the front, lets not even talk about India

    • OM Singh

      Drupad, Subhash Chandra Bose was a Bengali who led and fought the British christian tyrants.

    • som

      @Drupad Kanakia
      See bengali leading anything from the front:
      BAGHA JATIN, THE FATHER OF OUR NATION
      LEGACY OF JATIN MUKHERJEE POPULARLY KNOWN AS BAGHA JATIN (TIGER JATIN):
      Bagha Jatin , born as Jatindranath Mukherjee was the leader of Yugantar party, a group of patriotic nationalists who wanted the white Christian invader out of India. They knew that the British had sucked out all the wealth of India and in 250 years flat reduced India from the richest country on the planet to the poorest.
      The British East India Company was owned by Rothschild who grew opium in India and sold it in China. Rothschild controlled India, and the John Bull British soldier in India thought that they were fighting for Queen and country– while they were actually fighting for a German Jew.
      Jatindranath Mukherjee founded PATHURIAGHATA BYAM SAMITY which was n important centre os armed revoloulion of indian national movement. They are engaged in night schools for adults, homoeopathic dispensaries, workshops to encourage small scale cottage industries, experiments in agriculture. Since 1906, with the help of Sir Daniel, Jatin had been sending meritorious students abroad for higher studies as well as for learning military craft.
      In 1900, BAGHA JATIN upon returning to his native village Koya in March 1906, JATIN learned about the disturbing presence of a leopard in the vicinity; while reconnoitring in the nearby jungle, he came across a Royal Bengal tiger and fought hand-to-hand with it. Mortally wounded, he managed to strike with a Gorkha dagger (Khukuri) on the tiger’s neck, killing it instantly.
      The famous surgeon of Calcutta, Lt-Colonel Suresh Sarbadhikari, “took upon himself the responsibility for curing the fatally wounded patient whose whole body had been poisoned by the tiger’s nails.” Impressed by Jatin’s exemplary heroism, Dr Sarbadhikari published an article about BAGHA JATIN in the English press. The Government of Bengal awarded him a silver shield with the scene of him killing the tiger engraved on it.
      For the uninitiated a Bengal tiger is larger than their cousins elsewhere on the planet. When a Bengal tiger roars in anger, the African lion will freeze due to the infra sound.

      BAGHA JATIN (Tiger Jatin), born Jatindranath Mukherjee (7 December 1879 – 10 September 1915) was an Bengali revolutionary philosopher against British rule.
      The Master taught him the art of conquering libido before raising a batch of young volunteers “with iron muscles and nerves of steel”, to serve miserable compatriots during famines, epidemics and floods, and running clubs for “man-making” in the context of a nation under foreign domination. They soon assisted Sister Nivedita, the Swami’s Irish disciple, in this venture.

      Having personally met the German Crown-Prince in Calcutta shortly before World War I, he obtained the promise of arms and ammunition from Germany; as such, he was responsible for the planned German Plot during World War I. Shortly after when World War I broke out, in September 1914, an International Pro-India Committee was formed at Zurich. Very soon it merges into a bigger body, to form the Berlin Committee, or the Indian Independence Party, led by Virendranath Chattopadhyaya : it gained the support of the German government and had as members prominent Indian revolutionaries abroad, including leaders of the Ghadar Party. Militants of the Gadhar party started leaving for India, to join the proposed uprising inside India during World War I, with the help of arms, ammunition, and funds promised by the German government. Advised by Berlin, Ambassador Bernstorff in Washington arranged with Von Papen, his Military attaché, to send cargo consignments from California to the coast of the Bay of Bengal, via Far East.

      GANDHI NEVER MISSED AN OPPORTUNITY TO CONDEMN BAGHA JATIN
      ALTHOUGH In 1925, Gandhi told Charles Tegart, the Intelligence Chief and Police Commissioner of Bengal that Jatin Mukherjee, generally referred to as “BAGHA JATIN ”, was “a divine personality.
      According to J. E. Armstrong, Superintendent of the colonial Police, JATIN “owed his preeminent position in revolutionary circles, to his qualities of leadership.”

      Charles Tegart, the Intelligence Chief and Police Commissioner of Bengal had once told his colleagues that if BAGHA JATIN were an Englishman, then the English people would have built his statue next to Nelson’s at Trafalgar Square. In his note to J.E. Francis of the India Office in 1926, he described Bengali revolutionaries as “the most selfless political workers in India”
      BAGHA JATIN had a natural respect for the human creature, heedless of class or caste or religions. He carried for an aged Muslim villager a heavy bundle of fodder and, on reaching her hut, he shared with her the only platter of rice she had, and sent her some money every month.
      He was the principal leader of the Yugantar party that was the central association of revolutionaries in Bengal.

      Inspired by Swami Vivekananda, Jatin expressed his ideals in simple words: “Amra morbo, jagat jagbe” — “WE SHALL DIE TO AWEKAN THE NATION”.It is corroborated in the tribute paid to JATIN by Charles Tegart, the Intelligence Chief and Police Commissioner of Bengal : “THOUGH I HAD TO DO MY DUTY, I HAVE A great admiration for him. He died in an open fight.” Later in life, Tegart admitted : “Their driving power immense: if the army could be raised or the arms could reach an Indian port, the British would lose the War”.
      Professor Tripathi analysed the added dimensions revealed by the Howrah Case proceedings: acquire arms locally and abroad; raise a guerrilla; create a rising with Indian soldiers; BAGHA JATIN ‘s action helped improve (especially economically) the people’s status. “He had indeed an ambitious dream.”

      Finances were taken care of by Jatin. He masterminded a series of daring robberies, from Rothschild’s banks. Plus Indians abroad opened out their purse strings.

      Another of his original contributions was the indoctrination of the Indian soldiers in various regiments in favour of an insurrection.

      As Jatin grew older, he gained a reputation for physical bravery and great strength; charitable and cheerful by nature, he was fond of caricature and enacting mythological plays, himself playing the roles of god-loving characters like Prahlad, Dhruva, Hanuman, Râja Harish Chandra. He not only encouraged several playwrights to produce patriotic pieces for the urban stage, but also engaged village bards to spread nationalist fervour in the countryside.
      After passing the Entrance examination in 1895, BAGHA JATIN joined the Calcutta Central College (now Khudiram Bose College), to study Fine Arts. At the same time, he took lessons in steno typing with Mr Atkinson: this is a new qualification opening possibilities of a coveted career. Soon he started visiting Swami Vivekananda, whose social thought, and especially his vision of a politically independent India – indispensable for the spiritual progress of humanity – had a great influence on Jatin.

      ..”Noticing his ardent desire to die for a cause, Vivekananda sent BAGHA JATIN to the Gymnasium of Ambu Guha where he himself had practised wrestling. BAGHA JATIN met here, among others, Sachin Banerjee, son of Yogendra Vidyabhushan (a popular author of biographies like Mazzini and Garibaldi), who turned into BAGHA JATIN’s mentor.

      Fed up with the colonial system of education, Jatin left for Muzaffarpore in 1899, as secretary of barrister Pringle Kennedy, founder and editor of the Trihoot Courrier. He was impressed by this historian: through his editorials and from the Congress platform, he showed how urgent it was to have an Indian National Army and to react against the British squandering of Indian budget to safeguard their interests in China and elsewhere.

      According to Daly’s Report: “A secret meeting was held in Calcutta about the year 1900 The meeting resolved to start secret societies with the object of assassinating officials and supporters of Government . One of the first to flourish was at Kushtea, in the Nadia district. This was organised by one Jotindra Nath Mukherjee as being among the founders of the Anushilan Samiti, and as a pioneer in creating its branches in the districts..”.
      Nixon reports further : “The earliest known attempts in Bengal to promote societies for political or semi-political ends are associated with the names of the late P. Mitter, Barrister-at-Law, Miss Saralabala Ghosal and a Japanese named Okakura. These activities commenced in Calcutta somewhere about the year 1900, and are said to have spread to many of the districts of Bengal and to have flourished particularly at Kushtia, where Jatindra Nath Mukharji was leader.”Bhavabhushan Mitra’s written notes precise his presence along with Jatindra Nath during the first meeting. A branch of this organisation (Anushilan Samiti), was to be inaugurated in Dacca. In 1903, on meeting Sri Aurobindo at Yogendra Vidyabhushan’s place, Jatin decides to collaborate with him and is said to have added to his programme the clause of winning over the Indian soldiers of the British regiments in favour of an insurrection. W. Sealy in his report on “Connections with Bihar and Orissa” notes that Jatin Mukherjee “a close confederate of Nani Gopal Sen Gupta of the Howrah Gang worked directly under the orders of Aurobindo Ghosh.”

      In 1905, during a procession to celebrate the visit of the Prince of Wales at Calcutta, Jatin decides to draw the attention of the future Emperor on the behaviour of HM’s English officers. Not far from the royal coach, he singles out a cabriolet on a side-lane, with a group of English military men sitting on its roof, their booted legs dangling against the windows, seriously disturbing the livid faces of a few native ladies. Stopping beside the cab, BAGHA JATIN asks the fellows to leave the ladies alone. In response to their cheeky provocation, Jatin rushes up to the roof and fells them with pure Bengali slaps till they drop on the ground.
      The show is not innocent BAGHA JATIN is well aware that John Morley, the Secretary of State, receives regularly complaints about the English attitude towards Indian citizens, “The use of rough language and pretty free use of whips and sticks, and brutalities of that sort…” He will be further intimated that the Prince of Wales, “on his return from the Indian tour had a long conversation with Morley [10/5/1906] He spoke of the ungracious bearing of Europeans to Indians.”
      Jatin, together with Barindra Ghosh, set up a bomb factory near Deoghar, while Barin was to do the same at Maniktala in Calcutta. Whereas Jatin disapproved of all untimely terrorist action, Barin led an organisation centred around his own personality : his aim was, aside from the general production of terror, the elimination of certain Indian and British officers serving the Crown. Side by side, BAGHA JATIN developed a decentralised federated body of loose autonomous regional cells. Organising relentless relief missions with a para medical body of volunteers following almost a military discipline, during natural calamities such as floods, epidemics, or religious congregations like the Ardhodaya and the Kumbha mela, or the annual celebration of Ramakrishna’s birth, Jatin was suspected of utilising these as pretexts for group discussions with regional leaders and recruiting new freedom fighters to fight the supporters of the Britain.

      Duly appreciated for his professional competence, in 1907 BAGHA JATIN was “sent to Darjeeling on some special work,” for a period of three years. “From early youth he had the reputation of a local Sandow and he soon attracted attention in Darjeeling in cases in which he tried to measure the strength with Europeans. In 1908 he was leader of one of several gangs that had sprung up in Darjeeling, whose object was the spreading of dissatisfaction, and with his associates he started a branch of the Anushilan Samiti, called the Bandhab Samiti.”
      In April 1908, in Siliguri railway station, BAGHA JATIN got involved in a fight with a group of English military officers headed by Captain Murphy and Lt Somerville, leading to legal proceedings, widely covered by the press.
      On observing the gleeful animosity created by the news of a few Englishmen thrashed single-handed by an Indian, Wheeler advised the officers to withdraw the case. Warned by the Magistrate to behave properly in the future, Jatin regretted that he would not refrain from taking similar action in self-defence or in the vindication of the rights of his countrymen.One day, in a pleasant mood, Wheeler asked BAGHA JATIN : “With how many can you fight all alone ?” The prompt reply was : “Not a single one, if it is a question of honest people; otherwise, as many as you can imagine!”

      In 1908 Jatin was not one of over thirty revolutionaries accused in the Alipore Bomb Case following the incident at Muzaffarpur. Hence, during the Alipore trial, Jatin took over the leadership of the secret society to be known as the Jugantar Party, and revitalises the links between the central organisation in Calcutta and its several branches spread all over Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and several places in U.P.. Through Justice Sarada Charan Mitra, Jatin leases from Sir Daniel Hamilton lands in the Sundarbans to shelter revolutionaries not yet arrested..
      Repressive measures in series were introduced to quench the rising sedition since the agitations against the Partition of Bengal in 1905. Protesting against these repressions and organising the defence of the militants under trial in the Alipore Case, Jatin issued a series of dazzling actions of daring and desperate self-sacrifice in Calcutta and in the districts “to revive the confidence of the people in the movement. These brought him into the limelight of revolutionary leadership although hardly anybody outside the innermost circle ever suspected his connection with those acts. Secrecy was absolute in those days – particularly with BAGHA JATIN.” Almost contemporaneous with the anarchist gang of Bonnot well known in France, Jatin invented and introduced in India bank robbery on automobile taxi-cabs, « a new feature in revolutionary crime. Several outrages were committed : for instance, in 1908, on 2 June and 29 November; an attempt to assassinate the Lt Governor of Bengal on 7 November 1908; in 1909, on 27 February, 23 April, 16 August, 24 September and 28 October; two assassinations – of the Prosecutor Ashutosh Biswas (on 10 February 1909) and the Deputy Superintendent of Police, Samsul Alam (on 24 January 1910): both these officers had been determined to get all the accused condemned. Arrested, outwitted by the Police, BIREN DATTA-GUPTA, the latter’s assassin, disclosed Jatin’s name as his leader.

      On 25 January 1910, “with the gloom of his assassination hanging over everyone”, the Viceroy Minto declared openly : “A spirit hitherto unknown to India has come into existence , a spirit of anarchy and lawlessness which seeks to subvert not only British rule but the Governments of Indian chiefs…”
      On 27 January 1910, BAGHA JATIN was arrested in connection with this murder, but was released, to be immediately re-arrested along with forty-six others in connection with the Howrah-Sibpur conspiracy case, popularly known as the Howrah Gang Case. The major charge against Jatin Mukherjee and his party during the trial (1910–1911) was “conspiracy to wage war against the King-Emperor” and “tampering with the loyalty of the Indian soldiers” (mainly with the 10th Jats Regiment) posted in Fort William, and soldiers in Upper Indian Cantonments.
      While held in Howrah jail, awaiting trial, BAGHA JATIN made contact with a few fellow prisoners, prominent revolutionaries belonging to various groups operating in different parts of Bengal, who were all accused in this case. He was also informed by his emissaries abroad that very soon Germany was to declare war against England. Jatin counted heavily on this war to organise an armed uprising along with Indian soldiers in various regiments.

      The Howrah-Sibpur conspiracy case

      The case failed because of lack of proper evidence thanks to BAGHA JATIN ‘s policy of a loose decentralised organisation federating scores of regional units, as observed by F.C. Daly more than once: “The gang is a heterogeneous one, with several advisers and petty chiefs… From information we have on record we may divide the gang into four parts: (1) Gurus, (2) Influential supporters, (3) Leaders, (4) Members.”J.C. Nixon’s report is more explicit : “Although a separate name and a separate individuality have been given to these various parties in this account of them, and although such a distinction was probably observed amongst the minor members, it is very clear that the bigger figures were in close communication with one another and were frequently accepted members of two or more of these samitis. It may be taken that at some time these various parties were engaged in anarchical crime independently, although in their revolutionary aims and usually in their origins they were all very closely related.”Several observers pinpointed Jatin so accurately that the newly appointed Viceroy Lord Hardinge wrote more explicitly to Earl Crewe (H.M.’s Secretary of State for India): “As regards prosecution, I deprecate the net being thrown so wide; as for example in the Howrah Gang Case, where 47 persons are being prosecuted, of whom only one is, I believe, the real criminal. If a concentrated effort had been made to convict this one criminal, I think it would have had a better effect than the prosecution of 46 misguided youths.”
      On 28 May 1911, Hardinge recognised : “The 10th Jats case was part and parcel of the Howrah Gang Case; and with the failure in the latter, the Government of Bengal realised the futility of proceeding with the former… In fact, nothing could be worse, in my opinion, than the condition of Bengal and Eastern Bengal. There is practically no Government in either province…”

      Jatin was acquitted in February 1911 and released. Immediately, he suspended terrorism. This lull proved Jatin’s full command of violence as an antidote, contrary to the Chauri Chaura fiasco after him. During the German Crown Prince’s visit to Calcutta, BAGHA JATIN met him and received a promise about arms supply. Having lost his government job – and home interned -, he managed to leave Calcutta, to start a contract business constructing the Jessore–Jhenaidah railway line. This provided him with a valid pretext and an ample scope to move about on horse-back or on bicycle to consolidate not only the district units in Bengal, but also to revitalise those in other provinces. Jatin with his family set out on a pilgrimage, and at Haridwar visited his Guru, Bholananda Giri. BAGHA JATIN went on to Brindavan where he met Swami Niralamba (who had been Jatindra Nath Banerjee, the renowned revolutionary, before leading a sanyasi’s life); he had continued preaching in North India Sri Aurobindo’s doctrine of a revolution.

      Niralamba gave BAGHA JATIN complementary information about, and links to, the units set up by him in Uttar Pradesh and the Punjab. An important part of revolutionary activities in these regions were led by Rasbehari Bose and his associate Lala Hardayal. On returning from his pilgrimage, Jatin started reorganising Jugantar accordingly. During the Damodar flood in 1913, mainly in the districts of Burdwan and Midnapore, relief work brought together leaders of various groups : BAGHA JATIN “never asserted his leadership, but the party members in the different districts acclaimed him as their leader.”

      Drawn by Jatin’s relief work during the flood, Rasbehari Bose left Benares to join him : the contact with Jatin added a new impulse to Bose’s revolutionary zeal : in Jatin, he discovered “a real leader of men” At the close of 1913, Bose met BAGHA JATIN to discuss the possibilities of an All-India armed rising of 1857 type. Impressed by Jatin’s “fiery energy and personality”, Bose renewed negotiation with the native officers posted at the Fort William of Calcutta, the nerve centre of the various regiments of the colonial Army, before returning to Benares “to organise the scattered forces.”

      There were also attempts to organise expatriate Indian revolutionaries in Europe and the United States. Jatin’s influence was international. The Bengali best seller Dhan Gopal Mukerji, settled in New York and, at the summit of his glory, was to write : «Before 1914 we succeeded in disturbing the equilibrium of the government… Then extraordinary powers were given to the police, who called us anarchists in order to prejudice us forever in the eyes of the world… Dost thou remember Jyotin, our cousin – he that once killed a leopard with a dagger, putting his left elbow in the leopard’s mouth and with his right hand thrusting the knife through the brute’s eye deep into its brain ? He was a very great man and our first leader. He could think of God ten days at a stretch, but he was doomed when the Government found out that he was our head.”

      Right since 1907, Jatin’s emissary, Taraknath Das had been organising, with Guran Ditt Kumar and Surendramohan Bose, evening schools for Indian immigrants (a majority of them Hindus and Sikhs) between Vancouver and San Francisco, through Seattle and Portland : in addition to learning how to read and write simple English, they were informed about their rights in the USA and their duty towards Mother India : two periodicals – Free Hindustan (In English, sponsored by local Irish revolutionaries) and Swadesh Sevak (‘Servants of the Motherland’, in Gurumukhi) – became increasingly popular. In regular contact with Calcutta and London (where the organisation was managed by Shyamji Krishnavarma), Das wrote regularly to personalities throughout the world (like Leo Tolstoy and Éamon de Valera). In May 1913, Kumar left for Manilla to create a satellite linking Asia with the American West coast. Familiar with the doctrine of Sri Aurobindo and an erstwhile follower of Rasbehari Bose, in 1913, invited by Das, Har Dayal resigned from his teaching job at the University of Berkeley, coaxed by Jiten Lahiri (one of Jatin’s emissaries) of wasting his time in daydreaming, Har Dayal set out on a lecture tour covering the major centres of Indian immigrants; enlivened by their ardent patriotism, he preached open revolt against the English rulers of India. Welcomed by the Indian militants of San Francisco, in November, he founded his journal Ghadar (‘Revolt’) and the Yugantar Ashram, as a tribute to Sri Aurobindo. The Sikh community also became involved in the movement.
      During World War I

      These efforts were directly connected with the Jugantar, under Jatin’s leadership, in its planning and organising an armed revolt. Rasbehari Bose assumed the task of carrying out the plan in Uttar Pradesh and the Punjab. This international chain work conceived by Jatin came to be known as the German Plot, the Indo-German Conspiracy, or the Zimmermann Plan. Jugantar started to collect funds by organising a series of dacoities (armed robberies) known as “Taxicab dacoities” and “Boat dacoities”. Charles Tegart, in his “Report No. V” on the seditious organisations mentions the “certain amount of success” in the contact that exists between the revolutionaries and the Sikh soldiers posted at Dakshineshwar gunpowder magazine; Jatin Mukherjee in company of Satyendra Sen was seen interviewing these Sikhs. Sen “is the man who came to India with Pingle. Their mission was specially to tamper with the troops. Pingle was captured in the Punjab with bombs and was hanged, while Satyen was interned under Regulation III in the Presidency Jail.” With Jatin’s written instructions, Pingle and Kartar Singh Sarabha met Rasbehari in North India.

      Preoccupied by the increasing police activities to prevent any uprising, eminent Jugantar members suggested that Jatin should move to a safer place. Balasore on the Orissa coast was selected as a suitable place, being very near the spot where German arms are to be landed for the Indian rising. To facilitate transmission of information to Jatin, a business house under the name “Universal Emporium” was set up, as a branch of Harry & Sons in Calcutta, which had been created for keeping contacts with revolutionaries abroad. Jatin therefore moved to a hideout outside Kaptipada village in the native state of Mayurbhanj, more than thirty miles away from Balasore.

      On reaching Orissa, in April, 1915, Jatin sent one of his close associates, Naren Bhattacharya (future M.N. Roy) to Batavia, following instructions from Chatto[disambiguation needed], in order to make a deal with the German authorities concerning financial aid and the supply of arms. Through the German Consul, Naren met Theodore, brother of Karl Helfferich, who assured him that a cargo of arms and ammunition was already on its way, “to assist the Indians in a revolution.”

      The Czech interlude

      The plot leaked out through Czech revolutionaries who were in touch with their counterparts in the United States. In the beginning of World War I, in 1915, Emanuel Viktor Voska organised the minority of Czech patriots in USA into a network of counter-espionage, putting up to date the spying activity of the German and Austrian diplomats against USA and the Entente powers. (He described these events later in his book Spy and Counter-Spy.) American publicist of Czech origin Ross Hedví?ek claims that had E. V. Voska not interfered in this history, today nobody would have heard about Mahatma Gandhi and the father of the Indian nation would have been Bagha Jatin.B. Jatin wanted to free India from the British hold but he had the idea of allying against them with the Germans from whom he expected to receive arms and other helps. Voska learnt it through his network and, as pro-American, pro-British and anti-German, he spoke of it to T. G. Masaryk. This latter rushed to keep the institutions informed about it. Thus, Voska transmitted it to Masaryk, Masaryk to the Americans, the Americans to the British. T. G. Masaryk mentions all these facts in the English version of the Making of a State.
      As soon as the information reached the British authorities, they alerted the police, particularly in the delta region of the Ganges, and sealed off all the sea approaches on the eastern coast from the Noakhali–Chittagong side to Orissa. Harry & Sons was raided and searched, and the police found a clue which led them to Kaptipada village, where Jatin was staying with Manoranjan Sengupta and Chittapriya Ray Chaudhuri; a unit of the Police Intelligence Department was dispatched to Balasore.

      Jatin was kept informed and was requested to leave his hiding place, but his insistence on taking Niren and Jatish with him delayed his departure by a few hours, by which time a large force of police, headed by top European officers from Calcutta and Balasore, reinforced by the army unit from Chandbali in Mayurbhanj State, had reached the neighbourhood. Jatin and his companions walked through the forests and hills of Mayurbhanj, and after two days reached Balasore Railway Station.

      The police had announced a reward for the capture of five fleeing “bandits”, so the local villagers were also in pursuit. With occasional skirmishes, the revolutionaries, running through jungles and marshy land in torrential rain, finally took up position on 9 September 1915 in an improvised trench in undergrowth on a hillock at Chashakhand in Balasore. Chittapriya and his companions asked Jatin to leave and go to safety while they guarded the rear. Jatin, however refused to leave them.

      He is regarded as the first freedom fighter to have fought the British police face-to-face near Chasakhand in Balasore. He could have run away from the battle ground but he fought bravely for the motherland and laid down his life.

      Bagha Jatin was in the jungle of Kaptipada in Mayurbhanj district planning an attack on the British police when the cops, headed by Charles A. Teggart, surrounded them. They were encountered by the police at Chasakhand, 10km from Balasore, while waiting for the arrival of a consignment of arms on the Balasore coast for an armed rebellion.

      Jatin succumbed to bullet injuries at the district headquarters hospital on September 10, 1915, after he refused to undergo treatment in the hands of British doctors.

      Among his aides, Chittapriya Raychaudhary died in the encounter and two others, Manoranjan Sengupta and Birendranath Sengupta, were hanged. Another aide, Jyotish, was sent to Cellular Jail in the Andamans

      Bagha Jatin is a unsung, sunk ( by Gandhi and Nehru ) hero of our freedom fighting history.

      He was a true patriot, not a British stooge like most our famous freedom fighters whom we worship, all false gods, all hand in glove with the enemy , the white Christian invader.

      He was intelligent enough to see through the nonsense. The Indian National Congress was created by the invader, with Indian stooges running the show.

      Just like Swami Vivekananda, Bagha Jatin saw through all these pseudo freedom fighters of INC — the so called moderates like Dadabhai Naoroji, Gopal Krishna Gokhale

      INC is still being run by pseudo patriots with foreign DNA.

      Allan Octavian Hume , a man whom we honour , was very cruel with the Indians sepoys who revolted in 1857. He hid in Agra for a while after quelling the rebellion.
      In 1885, he was made a double agent by Rothschild , wherein he declared himself as a native of India, and formed INC to fight for India’s freedom.
      Hume took in another Rothschild recommended double agent Sir William Wedderburn— who had already brainwashed Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Rothschild’s Opium finance agents like Sir Edulji Dinshaw Wacha.

      So Wheeler asked him, how many white British soldiers he can take on alone in physical fight . Jatin replied “Not a single one, if they are good people, but if they are goons , as many as you can imagine”

      He organized with the help of Chempakaraman Pillai, a German ship fully loaded with arms and ammunition to land on a spot a Balasore beach of Orissa, which he selected personally.

      The ship SS Maverick, would have delivered to Jatin 30,000 modern rifles with 400 rounds of ammunitions each gun .

      The plot leaked via a Czechoslovakian triple spy in the payroll of Rothschild. The US President Woodrow Wilson gave this information to Rothschild , the US Presidential chair kingmaker..
      Rash Behari escaped to Japan in May 1915–as the British were after him.

      To facilitate transmission of information to Jatin, a front business house under the name “Universal Emporium” had been set up with Saileswar Bose in charge . This would be a branch of Harry & Sons in Calcutta, which had been created for keeping underground covert contacts with revolutionaries abroad.

      As soon as the information reached Rothschild , he forced the British police and military into immediate action. The British sealed off all the sea approaches to Bengal and Orissa. Leaked information led them to Harry & Sons building, which was raided and searched. From here they retrieved a major clue .

      A telegram was intercepted by the British. The telegram mentioned, “arrived here, starting tonight for Balasore, expect to meet some one there.” The sending of the telegram and the nexus between Hary & Sons of Calcutta and the Universal Emporium at Balasore led to an enquiry at Balasore by the British police.

      The enquiry in turn led to the search of Universal Emporium and its covert doings at Balasore. Saileswar Bose was tortured . British found that that he had visited a god forsaken place Kaptitada on different occasions.

      On 6th September 1915, the DistrictMagistrate of Balasore, accompanied by several police officers engaged in the enquiry, went to Kaptipada and learnt that few young Bengalis were living in a house in the jungle about a mile and half away. British police searched the house and found that the group had scooted.

      The search party, however, could found some interesting documents, among which were a map of the Sundarbans and a cutting from a Penang paper about the SS Maverick, and it became apparent that the group had firearms in their possession as a tree in the compound showed marks of bullets used for target practice.

      Before going underground, Jatindranath entrusted his sister Benodebala with the care of his wife Indubala, his daughter, Ashalata and his two sons, Tejendranath and Birendranath.

      A large posse of police, headed by top European officers from Calcutta and Balasore, in tandem with the British army unit from Chandbali in Mayurbhanj State, closed in on Jatin. Jatin and his companions walked through the thick forests , marshy land and hills of Mayurbhanj, and after two days decided to dig trenches and fight it out.

      Out of hindsight they should NOT have tried this brave but foolish stunt. .This cost India our freedom , while Gandhi was still in South Africa. Jatins comrades in the trench begged him to make a run, but this honorable man would not listen. All were tired, thirsty and hungry after running for 2 days.

      The local people had been warned to watch out for 5 escaped criminals carrying a huge bounty on their heads . So Jatin and party had to dodge the villagers too. .

      The posse of British soldiers surrounded the trench. A fierce gunfight ensued, lasting nearly two hours. Jatin Bagha and his five comrades were lightly armed and had limited bullets for their German Mauser pistols, while the police had modern long range rifles and grenades, which they kept lobbing.

      The fight on 10th Sept 1915, ended with an unrecorded number of casualties on the British side Government side; on the revolutionary side, Ray Chaudhuri and Jatin Bagha died. Jatish Mukherjee was seriously wounded, and Manoranjan Sengupta and Niren Dasgupta were captured after their ammunition ran out. Sengupta and Dasgupta were executed after a speedy trial..

      The last words Jatin Mukherjee uttered were : “My wounds are still bleeding , or what ?

      During the trial, the prosecuting British Official advised the Defence laywer to read a manuscript by Jatin Bagha . Impressed he remarked:” Were this man of such great vision alive, he would have led the world !”.

      MN Roy later said “ Jatin Bagha was the first Indian to die fighting, arm in hand “

    • asit guin

      Dear drupad , why so much angry to bengalis ? Our 34 years have not gone in vain. What is achieved in 34 yrs of left rule? Bengal was the 2nd poorest state in the 70s (1st-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar) and poorest in rural poverty (2nd-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar). After 34 yrs of LF rule, it was a mid ranking state with poverty & economic indicators on par with national average & HDI indices far better than the same. Bengal was very peaceful before Trinamool started importing Maoists to the state. Nandigram violence is caused by imported Maoists only. Even a time when the politicians in all other parties are getting exposed in various scams there was no valid allegation of corruption against any LF leader.

  3. Arindam

    Drupad, you may or may not agree but Sri Aurobindo, a Bengali, at first politically and then spiritually brought about the independence of India, neither act was a paper pushing act.
    Arindam Gupta

  4. narendra

    By 1923 Surya Sen spread the revolutionary organization in different parts of Chittagong district. Aware of the limited equipment and other resources of the freedom fighters, he was convinced of the need for secret guerrilla warfare against the colonial Government. One of his early successful undertakings was a broad day robbery at the treasury office of the Bengal Assam Railway at Chittagong on December 23, 1923.
    His major success in the anti-British revolutionary violence was the Chittagong Armoury Raid on April 18, 1930. Subsequent to the raid, he marched to the Jalalabad hills along with his fellow revolutionaries. After the battle with the British troops on April 22, he escaped from there.

    Surya Sen, being constantly followed up by the police, had to hide at the house of Sabitri Devi, a widow, near Patiya. A police and military force under Captain Cameron surrounded the house on 13 June 1932. Cameron was shot dead while ascending the staircase and Surya Sen along with Pritilata Waddedar and Kalpana Datta escaped to safety.

    Surya Sen was always in hiding, moving from one place to another. Sometimes he used to take a job as a workman; sometimes he would take a job as a farmer, or milkman, or priest, houseworker or even as a pious Muslim. This is how he used to avoid being captured.

    Either because of money, or out of jealousy, or because of both, Netra Sen told the British Government that Surya Sen was at his house. As a result, the police came and captured him on February 16, 1933. This is how India’s supreme hero was arrested. But before Netra Sen was able to get his 10,000-rupee reward he was killed by the revolutionaries.

    This is how it happened. Netra Sen’s wife was all for Surya Sen, and she was horrified by her husband’s deed. She felt mortified by her husband’s betrayal of Surya Sen.

    One evening she was serving her husband food when a great admirer of Surya Sen came into the house. He was carrying a very big knife, which is called a “daa”. With one stroke of the dal he chopped off the head of Netra Sen in the presence of his wife. Then slowly and stealthily he went away.

    When the police arrived to investigate, they asked Netra Sen’s wife if she had seen who the murderer was. She said, “I saw with my own eyes, but my heart will not permit me to tell you his name. I am sorry. I feel miserable that I was the wife of such a treacherous man, such an undivine man as Netra Sen. My husband betrayed the greatest hero of Chittagong. My husband betrayed a great son of Mother India. My husband cast a slur on the face of India. Therefore, I cannot tell the name of the person who took his life. He has definitely done the right thing. You can do anything with me. You can punish me, you can even kill me, but I shall never tell the name of the person who killed my husband. .”

    Tarakeswar Dastidar, the new president of the Chittagong Branch Jugantar Party, made a preparation to rescue Surya Sen from the Chittagong Jail. But the plot was unearthed and consequently frustrated. Tarakeswar and Kalpana along with others were arrested. Special tribunals tried Surya Sen, Tarakeswar Dastidar, and Kalpana Datta in 1933.

    Surya Sen along with his Tarekeshwar Dastidar was hanged by the British rulers on January 12, 1934. Before the death sentence Surya Sen was brutally tortured. It was reported that the British executioners broke all his teeth with hammer and plucked all nails and broke all limbs and joints. He was dragged to the rope unconscious. After his death his dead body was not given any funeral. The prison authority, it was found later, put his dead body in a metallic cage and dumped into the bay of Bengal.

    His last letter to his friends, written on 11 January, stated, “Death is knocking at my door. My mind is flying away towards eternity …At such a pleasant,at such a grave,at such a solemn moment,what shall I leave behind you? Only one thing,that is my dream,a golden dream-the dream of Free India…. Never forget the 18th of April,1930, the day of the eastern Rebellion in Chittagong… Write in red letters in the core of your hearts the names of the patriots who have sacrificed their lives at the altar of India’s freedom

  5. asit guin

    History of Bengal after independence is divided into two periods; period of famine (1947 – 1977) and the period of delayed success (1977 – till date). There was famine in 1959, 1966, and 1974. Famines were mainly due to non-cultivation of land under jotedar ownership. Agriculture is not much profitable for them. After 1977, due to land reform, food production is up and famine problem is solved. There was one potential famine in 1978 (due to big flood), but panchayat and co-ordination committee avoided a famine like situation. So the new period of delayed success started. Haldia is delayed by 12 yrs; Bakreswar by 8 yrs. Singur may come one day after some delay like Haldia. Delayed success is better than famine. However now, famine period may come back due to wrong choice of people in the last election. Irrationalism practiced by media and many people is to be paid by famine.

    • karan

      @asit guin
      LIST OF OTHER FAMINES OTHER THAN BENGAL FAMINE
      Famines in British India between 1765 and 1947 Year,Name of famine (if any),British territory
      [1] 1783–84,Chalisa famine,Delhi, Western Oudh, Eastern Punjab region, Rajputana, and Kashmir Severe famine. Large areas were depopulated. Up to 11 million people may have died during the years 1782–84.
      [2]1791–92 ,Doji bara famine or Skull famine Hyderabad, Southern Maratha country, Deccan, Gujarat, and Marwar One of the most severe famines known. People died in such numbers that they could not be cremated or buried. It is thought that 11 million people may have died during the years 1788–94
      [3]1837–38 ,Agra famine of 1837–38,Central Doab and trans-Jumna districts of the North-Western Provinces (later Agra Province), including Delhi and Hissar800,000
      [4]1860–61Upper Doab of Agra; Delhi and Hissar divisions of the Punjab,Eastern Rajputana,2 million
      [5]1865–67,Orissa famine of 1866,Orissa (also 1867) and Bihar; Bellary and Ganjam districts of Madras,1 million 14,469 in Orissa, 135,676 in Bihar and 10,898 in Ganjam)
      [6]1868–70,Rajputana famine of 1869,Ajmer, Western Agra, Eastern Punjab,Rajputana,1.5 million (mostly in the princely states of Rajputana)

      [7]1876–78Great Famine of 1876–78 (also Southern India famine of 1876–78)Madras and BombayMysore and Hyderabad6.1 to 10.3 million [8]1888–89Ganjam, Orissa and North Bihar150,000 deaths Ganjam. Deaths were due to starvation as famine relief was not provided in time.
      [9]1896–97,Indian famine of 1896–97, Madras, Bombay Deccan, Bengal, United Provinces, Central Provinces,Northern and eastern Rajputana, parts of Central India and Hyderabad,5 million
      [10]1899–1900,Indian famine of 1899–1900,Bombay, Central Provinces, Berar, Ajmer,Hyderabad, Rajputana, Central India, Baroda, Kathiawar, Cutch,1 million
      [11]1905–06,Bombay Bundelkhand,235,062

      THESE Famines were NOT due to non-cultivation of land under jotedar ownership.
      THIS IS DUE TO CRUEL BRITISH RAJ.
      Agriculture WAS much profitable for them.

      • som

        ACCORDING TO MAHATMA GANDHI MISSIONARIES DEMOLISHED
        MANY TEMPLES DURING MAN MADE FAMINE IN BRITISH RAJ
        “Only the other day a missionary descended on a famine area with money in his pocket, distributed it among the famine stricken, converted them to his fold, took charge of their temple, and demolished it. This is outrageous. ”
        – M.K. Gandhi
        (Harijan: November 5, 1937)

    • Shlok

      @Asit, probably Mamta is worse than the Communists, however there is no doubt that the Communists were disastrous for Bengal. Land reforms were good, but after that what? The Communists killed industry, politized the state’s worforced and police, and indulged in mass goondagardi. From at least mid 1980s mostr of the elections in WB was a matter of forced persuasion. My colleague is originally from Midnapore district. His father told him that everyone in their village had to vote for the Communists, their goondas ensured this and anyone who refused trepurcussions.would have to face rte

      • asit guin

        Buddhadeb steered Bengal to 4th position in industrial growth; Present CM may have complained of inheriting empty coffers from the LF that ruled the state for 34 years, but cold statistics reveals that it created a base for her to build upon. During last years of LF rule, Bengal witnessed rapid industrialization. Buddhadeb steered the state to fourth position in terms of rapid growth of industry even better than highly industrialized Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh. Medium and Small Enterprises (MSEs), considered as backbone of industry in any state, had shown largest expansion, putting Bengal at number four, only after Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Delhi. Gujarat is a distant No. 7 and Andhra Pradesh a shade above at 6. According to RBI data on credit growth to MSEs — one of the parameters to judge expansion of industry in a state — Bengal had shown the highest credit intake. In 2010, it had an outstanding credit of more than Rs 27,800 crore, while Gujarat (Rs 20,500 crore) and Andhra Pradesh (Rs 22,500 crore) were far behind. Amid depressing saga of backwardness, Bhattacharjee’s feat can be a good starting point for Banerjee, who had promised to usher in change in the ‘anti-capitalist’ state. In Bengal, outstanding credit to MSEs had shown remarkable growth. It was Rs 13,222 crore in 2008, which went up to Rs 15,260 crore in 2009 and Rs 27,865 crore in 2010. Outstanding credit to MSEs in Maharashtra was Rs 71,566 crore in 2010 while it was Rs 41,787 crore in TN last year. To provide an impetus to MSEs sector, PM had constituted a taskforce which had gone into areas of credit, taxation, labour, infrastructure, technology, skill development, marketing, etc., and had accordingly advised banks to achieve a 20% year-on-year growth in credit to micro and small enterprises along with a 10% annual growth in number of micro enterprises accounts in progressive states. Sufficient credit was being made available to micro enterprises within MSE sector as per RBI guidelines to banks. Hence, 60% of MSE advances are earmarked for micro enterprises. The banks had been advised that allocation of 60% of MSE advances to micro enterprises was to be achieved in stages such as 50% in 2010-11, 55% in 2011-12 and 60% in 2012-13. The task force was headed by principal secretary to PM, MM Sing.

    • Shlok

      @Asit, and besides that, the leftists gave a massive impetus to Muslim fanaticism. Illegal infiltration from Bangladesh since late 1970s onwards has seen WB having a Muslim population hovering around 35%. Leftists ruined the great state of WB. It used to be said that what Bengal thinkis today rest of the country thinks tomorrow. However, the Communists pushed back the state by at least 200 years

      • som

        The silent persecution of Hindus in Hindu-majority West Bengal has been carefully hidden from the rest of the state and the country by the Marxist government in saddle for the last twenty-four years (they have just got a fresh lease of life in the 2001 elections). This persecution takes place in the Muslim majority areas contiguous to Bangladesh in the District of Murshidabad, and is at its most virulent in the regions of Hariharpara, Domkal, Raninagar, Sagarpara, Sheikhpara, Beldanga, Naoda, Bhagabangola, and Jalangi – in fact all over the part of the district which lies to the east of the Bhagirathi River, with the exception of Berhampur Town. Just one feature of the insecurity from which the Hindus of this region suffer may be mentioned. Very few – practically none – of the Hindus in the region will keep their daughters or sisters at home after they have turned, say, eleven. They are all sent away to live with relatives or in a hostel, in Berhampur (the district headquarters), or somewhere to the west of the Bhagirathi River, or if their parents can afford it, to Calcutta.

        • karan

          @som
          WHAT A PATHETIC SITUATION OF HINDUS IN WEST BENGAL!!!
          BANGALI HINDUS ARE TRAITOR OF THEIR OWN WOMEN.
          THAT THING THEY HAVE LEARN FROM MARX.

        • hari

          @som
          Very few – practically none – of the Hindus in the region will keep their daughters or sisters at home after they have turned, say, eleven..
          situation is so pathetic.

  6. asit guin

    What is achieved in 34 yrs of left rule? Bengal was the 2nd poorest state in the 70s (1st-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar) and poorest in rural poverty (2nd-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar). After 34 yrs of LF rule, it is a mid ranking state with poverty & economic indicators on par with national average & HDI indices far better than the same. Bengal was very peaceful before Trinamool started importing Maoists to the state. Nandigram violence is caused by imported Maoists only. Even a time when the politicians in all other parties are getting exposed in various scams there is no valid allegation of corruption against any LF leader.

  7. asit guin

    What is achieved in 34 yrs of left rule? Bengal was the 2nd poorest state in the 70s (1st-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar) and poorest in rural poverty (2nd-Orissa, 3rd-Bihar). After 34 yrs of LF rule, it is a mid ranking state with poverty & economic indicators on par with national average & HDI indices far better than the same. Bengal was very peaceful before Trinomool started importing Maoists to the state. Nandigram violence is caused by imported Maoists only. Even a time when the politicians in all other parties are getting exposed in various scams there is no valid allegation of corruption against any LF leader. According to data from the Central Statistical Office in the years since 1993-94, Bengal has the highest growth rate of 8.55 per cent with second placed Karnataka’s 7.29 per cent well behind it. India only grew at 6.87 per cent during this period. Even in terms of growth of per capita income, Bengal has fared much better than all other States in the post-reforms era. It achieved an average growth of 5.5 per cent after 1993-94 against the nationwide growth of 4.3 per cent. Rise in per capita incomes would have been higher if there was no influx from the neighboring countries and States. Even more interesting is that the per capita incomes of Bengal and Maharashtra, excluding the two great metros of Mumbai and Kolkata, are fairly close. Bengal’s per capita excluding Kolkata is Rs 12,671, while Maharashtra without Mumbai is Rs 13,897. In 2001, no mill was shut down in Bengal when 151 were shut down all over the country, with Gujarat and UP accounting for the most with 43 and 39 respectively. We know for certain that economic decline contributes as much to union militancy as competitive irresponsible trade unionism. In terms of increase in per capita consumption of electricity, which is a better indicator of how a State is faring, Bengal with an increase in consumption by 38.11 per cent remained pretty close to the national increase of 40.21 per cent. In Orissa, by comparison, consumption only increased by 30.84 per cent, while in the other neighboring State of Bihar, it was 27.97 per cent. When the CPI (M)-led coalition came to power in Bengal in 1977, the incidence of poverty in the State was 60.52 per cent, well above the national BPL level of 51.32 per cent. In 1999-2000, these were 27.02 per cent and 26.10 per cent respectively. This means that while those below the BPL decreased by 55.35 per cent in Bengal, in all of India the decline was 49.22 per cent. Bengal’s BPL level is the lowest in the eastern region with those of Assam (36.09 per cent), Bihar (42.60 per cent) and Orissa (47.15 per cent) remaining well above the national level and that of Bengal.

  8. asit guin

    What is achieved in last 34 years?
    (1) 73% of all patients in Bengal undergo treatment from the public health system, while the national average is 40% only (2) Annual population growth rate in Bengal reduced from 1.77% between 1991-2001 to 1.39% between 2001-2011, which is now the fourth lowest in the country; Child gender ratio in Bengal at 950 in 2011 is the second highest in the country (3) The literacy rate in Bengal improved from 68% in 2001 to 74% in 2011 and is now the fifth highest in the country (4) Net enrolment ratio in primary education in Bengal reached 98.95% in 2009-10; (5) Drop-out rate declined to 8.66% in 2009-10 which is below national average (6) 5 new universities, 73 new degree colleges and 36 new engineering colleges were established in Bengal during the 7th LF government. If Ramen Poddar is LF face in education, Arabul is the TMC face. Who wants to compare?

  9. asit guin

    LF govt had achieved success in some crucial human development areas. Scenario in Bengal is better than in many states, including industrially developed Gujarat, when it came to social indicators like fertility rate, infant mortality rate (IMR) and percentage of underweight children. Latest Human Development Report reflected the work done by the LF govt.
    Nobody can write off the 34 years of work of the Left Front government in Bengal. As on 2012 march, the state is ahead of many states, even Gujarat. Bengal’s achievement on reducing the fertility rate, the average number of children born to every couple, is outstanding. While the fertility rate at the national level is 2.6, it is 1.9 in Bengal and 2.5 in Gujarat.

  10. asit guin

    According to data from the Central Statistical Office in the years since 1993-94, Bengal has the highest growth rate of 8.55 per cent with second placed Karnataka’s 7.29 per cent well behind it. India only grew at 6.87 per cent during this period. Even in terms of growth of per capita income, Bengal has fared much better than all other States in the post-reforms era. It achieved an average growth of 5.5 per cent after 1993-94 against the nationwide growth of 4.3 per cent. Rise in per capita incomes would have been higher if there was no influx from the neighboring countries and States. Even more interesting is that the per capita incomes of Bengal and Maharashtra, excluding the two great metros of Mumbai and Kolkata, are fairly close. Bengal’s per capita excluding Kolkata is Rs 12,671, while Maharashtra without Mumbai is Rs 13,897. In 2001, no mill was shut down in Bengal when 151 were shut down all over the country, with Gujarat and UP accounting for the most with 43 and 39 respectively. We know for certain that economic decline contributes as much to union militancy as competitive irresponsible trade unionism. In terms of increase in per capita consumption of electricity, which is a better indicator of how a State is faring, Bengal with an increase in consumption by 38.11 per cent remained pretty close to the national increase of 40.21 per cent. In Orissa, by comparison, consumption only increased by 30.84 per cent, while in the other neighboring State of Bihar, it was 27.97 per cent. When the CPI (M)-led coalition came to power in Bengal in 1977, the incidence of poverty in the State was 60.52 per cent, well above the national BPL level of 51.32 per cent. In 1999-2000, these were 27.02 per cent and 26.10 per cent respectively. This means that while those below the BPL decreased by 55.35 per cent in Bengal, in all of India the decline was 49.22 per cent. Bengal’s BPL level is the lowest in the eastern region with those of Assam (36.09 per cent), Bihar (42.60 per cent) and Orissa (47.15 per cent) remaining well above the national level and that of Bengal.

  11. asit guin

    In the investigation of the Nandigram police firing, CBI found involvement of TMC. No evidence has been found that CPI (M) had infiltrated police & fired at innocents. Neither have they found any evidence of trawler filled dead bodies smuggled out of Nandigram. CBI failed to find any remains of slaughtered children. The story that emerges out of the two charge-sheets filed by the CBI in the Haldia Court on the events of 18th March, 2007 is completely different from what the Congress, Trinamul party, a section of the intellectuals & the press had campaigned. It was this vicious campaign that galvanized the public opinion against the 34 year LF govt. There were two incidents of shooting that day, Bhangabera Bridge & Gokulnagar. CBI has submitted two separate charge-sheets. What emerges is that there were armed miscreants hiding behind the assembled people, mainly women & children. They had fired on the police. The incident at the Bhangabera Bridge has 129 accused, four of them deceased. The first name on the list is one Ashok Mondol, a resident of Sonachura & Trinamul worker. His elder brother, Ajay Mondol was a Trinamul candidate in the Panchayat elections & has become a Panchayat Samiti member. There is Subodh Patra, TMC candidate for the 2003 Panchayat polls from Sonachura. Accused no. 116 is Sonachura resident Rabin Mondol, a local TMC leader. He had played a big role in the year long terror & anarchy in that region. The key protagonist of this campaign, Krishnapada Mondol, is a TMC worker & relative of TMC leader, Nishikanta Mondol. Other accused, Rashbehari Khara, Prasenjit Karon, Gobinda Paik, Shankar Dalapati, Raghunath Dolui, Satyaranjan Manna, Lakhikanta Gayen, Robi Das are all known Trinamul workers & leaders. The list in the other charge-sheet on the Gokulnagar shooting too has TMC workers & leaders, a total of 37. Salil Das Adhikari & Sushil Das Adhikari are known TMC workers & related to TMC Panchayat Samiti member, Swadesh Das Adhikari. The other accused, Moni Rana, Prankrishna Das, Joydev Mondol, Srimanta Mondol are known local workers of the TMC. It is now clear that statements made by Left Front were correct. CBI came to two conclusions fairly early in its investigation, 1) State government had not sent the police to Nandigram secretly. There were numerous forewarnings after that area was cut off & the administration stopped from entering the area. It was clearly declared that the police will go in to restore the rule of law in the area & to carry out repairs to the roads infrastructure destroyed in the area; 2) there was an illegal assembly by the BUCP to stop the police from carrying out its job. Is it sheer coincidence that TMC Govt did not provide the permission to the CBI for interrogating the top police officials?

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